Gianfranco Ravaglia

This WEB PAGE treats of the intentional approach to psychological problems. From this point of view, symptoms and defences are not the effect of inner or social causes but rather the result of an inner intentional (unconscious) attitude.


9.26.2014

George Orwell: Totalitarianism and the Fear of Feeling





George Orwell (1903-1950), whose real name was Eric Arthur Blair, was born in Motihari in Bengal, where his father was employed in the Indian Civil Service. There he spent his childhood until 1907, when he moved with his family to England.
From when he was a small child he thought about becoming a writer and he later linked this initial aspiration to his sense of isolation and the idea of being undervalued that was with him until adolescence. After he finished his studies in the prestigious Eton School, where he gained admittance with a scholarship, he gave up university to enroll in the Indian Imperial Police in Burma. In 1929, after about five years’ service he left and returned to Europe to begin his career as a writer.

For many years writing novels gave him no economic security and it was only in 1945, with the publication of Animal Farm, that he achieved international fame and the financial security which would allow him to write exclusively what he wanted. In fact, during the previous years he had earned a living by doing journalistic work for various magazines and working on programmes for the BBC, and before that he was a pot washer in Paris, he had been a shop assistant in a London bookshop, he had taught in private schools, for a short period he had managed a shop, he had been a day labourer in the hop fields and he had even wandered with beggars.
This list of activities does not only suggest the precariousness which Orwell, like many writers, personally lived through at the start of his literary career, but also an intense personal interest in sharing and personally experiencing the living conditions of the poorest walks of life. The assiduous analysis of the myths of the bourgeoisie and the tormented understanding of poor and exploited people’s drama clearly marks Orwell’s intellectual inner journey; but despite the constant political references, he didn’t reduce his work to these themes.
Many left-wing commentators have criticised Orwell for having a humanistic rather than “scientific” view of socialism. However, many years later it can be said that the Orwellian conception does not only reflect one of socialism’s best “souls”, but it is also a reading of human problems that goes beyond political classification. Even if Orwell claimed to have written “lifeless books” when they were lacking a clear political intention (1), he always highlighted the interweaving between social conformity and the internal conflicts of the individual. In 1948, faced with the second draft of his final novel, 1984, Orwell wrote to George Woodcock convinced that a solitude was present in the lives of humans that was irreducible to socially defined external circumstances (2); we can think of this affirmation as the first indication of the fact that humans, in the Orwellian understanding, are not as much social animals as they are people inserted into social reality. In this respect, Orwell was not only one of the first left-wing intellectuals to denounce Stalinism: on one hand he denounced totalitarianism in its historic manifestations and its potential developments, and on the other hand he described with a keen eye the factors that can make people accomplices to social authoritarianism.

Totalitarianism does not consist in the simple negation of individual freedom, but also in the capacity to condition people in such a way that they do not desire to exercise freedom. For Orwell, purely political opposition to totalitarianism was destined to fail and the left-wing intellectuals were making the mistake of being antifascist without being anti-totalitarian (3), because they did not understand that totalitarianism is not only violent in what it stands against. It not only forbids you to express –even to think- certain thoughts, but it dictates what you shall think, it creates an ideology for you, it tries to govern your emotional life as well as setting up a code of conduct. And, as far as possible it isolates you from the outside world, it shouts you up in an artificial universe in which you  have no standards of comparison. The totalitarian state tries, at any rate, to control the thoughts and emotions of it subjects at least as completely as it controls their actions” (4).

In this deep understanding of the possibilities of psychological manipulation from the totalitarian state, the real uniqueness of 1984, Orwell’s most famous novel, must be identified. In the science fiction nightmare that he describes, the authorities of Oceana are programmatically orientated towards imposing a language unfit for the critical potentiality of thought. Therefore the authorities try to make the human mind become accustomed to indifference towards the logical contradictions that characterise the political propaganda of Big Brother, and tries to channel individuals’ emotions in the only direction that can be used for the reproduction of social order. Orwell presented mental processes and linguistic structures functional in social totalitarian irrationality so accurately that 1984 became an obligatory reference in studies on interpersonal communication.

So far we have only identified the first part of the Orwellian conception of totalitarianism: the argument which describes the how it manipulates as well as represses the masses. Orwell also noticed that individuals are actually a fertile ground for the seed of social irrationality to grow. This second part of the Orwellian conception states that totalitarianism does not create passive attitudes out of nothing, but it activates them by relying on people’s unconscious terror for their autonomy of judgement and expression. In other words, people want some degree of social control just to stay mentally and emotionally closed.
Orwell never discussed in detail the theories relating to personality formation but he showed that he clearly understood various defensive psychological tendencies in people: “Hitler, because in his own joyless mind he feels it with exceptional strength, knows that human beings don’t only want comfort, safety, short working-hours, hygiene, birth-control and, in general, common sense; they also, at least intermittently, want struggle and self-sacrifice, not to mention drums, flags and loyalty-parades. (…) All three of the great dictators have enhanced their power by imposing intolerable burdens on their peoples” (5)

It was precisely because of this type of analysis that Orwell’s position proved to be particularly inconvenient in left-wing areas, given that he presented individuals, as well as being victims of totalitarianism, as its potential creators. Aware of his own isolation, Orwell did not give up criticising the short-sightedness of the purely political objections to totalitarianism, maintaining that they did not adequately prevent the possibility of authoritarian development within the same left-wing political organisations.

For Orwell, sexual repression is associated with the culture of totalitarian system, not simply in moralism, but as a general programme of repression of individuality and impoverishment both in its critical and emotional capacity. Totalitarianism blocks the spontaneous pursuit of pleasure and sexual intimacy, but it encourages aseptically procreative sexuality, prostitution and pornography. For Orwell, totalitarianism has to paralyse all possible natural impulses (6): an intense and fluid emotional life, which can be seen in the “grace” of bodily movements, makes an inner sense of freedom possible, while emotional and sexual misery makes individuals feel they have no dignity and that they need to belong to a group represented by authority.

Orwell highlights the fact that strong destructive elements are present in all political orders and that the irrational and authoritarian tendencies can exist in the same people who are politically committed to democracy, freedom and socialism. However, even if we cannot free ourselves from this burden with only reason, such emotional tendencies must be contrasted with a lucid “acceptance of reality” (7).

Not many of the people who have studied Orwell have recognised that Orwell’s perception went beyond the political and social level. Bernard Crick states that even if Orwell’s work was not always directly political at a level of the subjects dealt with, he always expressed a political awareness (8). More explicitly Keith Aldritt maintained that the Orwell’s political conception was created and maintained by a strong moral aim. In this way, George Orwell would have forcibly transformed Eric Blair, who was fundamentally inclined to grasp the elements of the crisis of individual existence, in accordance with the widespread tendency of writers at the time (9).
Actually, there are moral ideals present in Orwell, but in particular there is the perception for people’s deep need to understand reality and establish close and emotionally deep bonds.

Even if the debates on Orwell have almost exclusively highlighted his contributions to the critical reflections on society, I think that we have to highlight Orwell’s constant attention to both the authoritarian tendencies of society and people’s irrational and defensive psychological tendencies has to be highlighted.


Notes

1.Why I Write, CEJL, vol. I, p.30
2. Letter to George Woodcock, in CEJL, vol. IV, p. 480
3. Arthur Koestler, in CEJL, vol. III, p. 273
4. Literature and Totalitarism, in CEJL, vol. II, p.162
5. Review - Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler, in CEJL, vol. II, p. 29
6. 1984, p. 91
7. Notes on Nationalism, in CEJL, vol. III, pp. 430-431
8. Crick, 1982, p. 16
9. Alldritt, 1969, pp.176-177


Bibliography

K. Alldritt, 1969, The making of George Orwell, Edward Arnold Ltd., London

B. Crick, 1982, George Orwell – A Life, Penguin Books Ltd., Harmondsworth

G. Orwell, 1933, Down and Out in Paris and London, Ita. trans. Senza un soldo da Parigi a Londra, Mondadori, Milano, 1981
G. Orwell, 1934, Burmese Days, Ita. trans. Giorni in Birmania, Longanesi, Milano, 1975
G. Orwell, 1935, A Clergyman's Daughter, Ita. trans. La figlia del reverendo, Garzanti, Milano, 1976
G. Orwell, 1936, Keep the Aspidistra Flying, Ita. trans. Fiorirà l'aspidistra, Mondadori,Milano, 1975
G. Orwell, 1937, The Road to Wigan Pier, Ita. trans. La strada di Wigan Pier, Mondadori, Milano, 1982
G. Orwell, 1938, Homage to Catalonia, Ita. trans. Omaggio alla Catalogna, Il Saggiatore, Milano, 1975
G. Orwell, 1939, Comung up for Air, Ita. trans. Una boccata d'aria, Mondadori, Milano, 1966
G. Orwell, 1945, Animal Farm, Ita. trans. La fattoria degli animali,  Mondadori, Milano, 1977
G. Orwell, 1949,  Nineteen Eighty-Four, Ita. trans, 1984,  Mondadori, Milano, 1976

G. Orwell (CEJL) - The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, Penguin
Books Ldt., 1970:
Vol. 1 (1920-1940), An Age Like This, reprinted 1982
Vol. 2 (1940-1943), My Country Right or Left, reprinted 1980
Vol. 3 (1943-1945), As I Please, reprinted 1982
Vol. 4 (1945-1950), In Front of Your Nose, reprinted 1980